Alexander Cockburn: Jim Moran and his courage in speaking up against Israeli atrocities
described an Israeli border policeman beating
an unarmed Palestinian. "The unarmed youth
was held on the ground while police officers
armed with guns and clubs climbed over each
other's backs to land their own blows on his
body," Moran wrote. "Most of the witnesses to
this scene said it happens all the time. When
Israeli police and Palestinians are concerned
there is no justice or fair play. Might makes
right. I witnessed the police laughing and
making self-congratulatory gestures after the
beating." How encouraging to know that an
elected US representative has the sinew to
describe such a scene.
Jim Moran and the Dixie Chicks: Never Say "Sorry," It Only Makes Things Worse; Gridiron Hacks Laud "Unrivaled Might;" Hitchens and Horowitz Tie the Knot
by ALEXANDER COCKBURN
At last the leaders of the Democratic Party have moved decisively, hauling out their ripest comminations and hurling them at-no, not at George Bush. The man at whom they've been leveling their fire this past week is 7-term US Rep James Moran of Virginia. Moran, a former mayor of Alexandria, Va., is in hot water over his head for having remarked in a March 3 town hall session with his constituents that, as quoted in the Virginia-area Connection newspapers, "if it were not for the strong support of the Jewish community for this war with Iraq, we would not be doing this The leaders of the Jewish community are influential enough that they could change the direction of where this is going, and I think they should."
The House and Senate Democratic leaders, Nancy Pelosi and Tom Daschle, promptly denounced Moran's remarks, and six Jewish House Democrats have taken it upon themselves to advise Moran that he not seek re-election in 2004. Should he do so, "we cannot and will not support his candidacy." Moran has been forced to give up on his positions as Democratic Party leader in the mid-Atlantic region, though not as yet his committee posts on the Hill. The game plan is clearly what it was with Hilliard of Alabama and McKinney of Georgia, both evicted from Congress last year as conspicuous acts of retribution against critics of Israel: Breathe a word about justice for Palestinians, and you'll lose your seat. Moran says he'll certainly run again, and the decision will belong to the voters of his district.
One reason Moran is getting whacked so hysterically is that Jewish nerves are raw on precisely the point he raised, the role of Jewish opinion here in pressing for the attack on Iraq. It's one thing for Pat Buchanan to raise the issue of dual loyalty in the American Conservative (as he has just done), but when Tim Russert starts pressing Richard Perle to assure us that he's advocating an attack on Iraq in the interests of the United States, not some other power, we know it's perched squarely on the front burner. Suddenly researchers from Nightline (one called me on the matter) and other mainstream outfits are rushing for copies of "A Clean Break: A New Strategy for Securing the Realm," the 1996 briefing plan for Benjamin Netanyahu prepared by such pro-Israel hawks as Perle, Douglas Feith and others now high in the Bush Administration, advocating attack on Iraq.
It's now OK for reporters (Robert Kaiser in the Washington Post, for example) to describe the Jewish neocon lobby for war, starting with Perle, Wolfowitz and Feith, and heading on down the list to Elliott Abrams, now running the Israel-Palestine portfolio at the National Security Council. The op-ed pages are beginning to vibrate with predictable charges from people like Lawrence Kaplan of The New Republic that all this talk of dual loyalty and Israel's agenda is nothing but rank anti-Semitism. To his credit, Michael Kinsley, editor of Slate, ran a piece (subtitle: "If You're Going To Be Jewish And Powerful, You Can't Whine When Someone Notices It") saying that uproar raised by American Jews was probably evidence that Moran was on the money, and that when it came to testimonies to the power of the Jewish lobby, none was more publicly boastful on the matter than AIPAC.
Moran is plummeting, whirling in the familiar downward spiral of contrition and self-abasement. But does his remark about "strong support" for attack on Iraq in the Jewish community have any basis in reality? What about American Jewish organizations?
Last fall the Forward reported that some Jewish groups, such as the Workmen's Circle, were angry at the way the Conference of Presidents of Major American Jewish Organizations had been hijacked by the prowar faction and by its mad-dog president, Mort Zuckerman, who was openly howling for war in his own publication, U.S. News & World Report, as "the only appropriate and acceptable course." In mid-September Michelle Goldberg began a piece on this topic in Salon with "Once a pillar of the American peace movement, mainstream Jewish groups and leaders are now among the strongest supporters of an American invasion of Baghdad."
On October 11 the Forward reported that a draft resolution of the fifty-two-member Conference supported "measures necessary to ensure Iraqi disarmament." Jack Rosen, president of the American Jewish Congress, was quoted by the Forward as saying "the final statement ought to be crystal clear in backing the President having to take unilateral action if necessary against Iraq to eliminate weapons of mass destruction." Abe Foxman of the ADL called the resolution "a consensus document," and the Forward cited him as saying he would support a position that backs the President in "whatever he decides he needs to do."
Of course there are Jewish groups, not least in the big peace coalitions, that are strongly and effectively antiwar. In January the American Jewish Committee released a poll claiming that a majority of American Jews-59 percent-approve of US military action against Iraq to remove Saddam Hussein from power. Thirty-six percent opposed such action. These findings, the AJC also emphasized, were comparable to the attitudes of the general American population.
It's at the elite level that the Jewish voices one hears are overwhelmingly pressing for war. The Forward for October 18, 2002 reported that on the resolution granting GWB license to conduct a war against Iraq, which passed 296-133 on October 10, 81 Democrats supported it, 126 opposed and one abstained. Of 23 Jewish Democrats in the House, 16 voted in support of the resolution, while seven voted "no," In recent weeks, fearing backlash, some Jewish groups have been carefully downplaying their support for Bush and the war. Some probably think the assaults on Moran may have been too much of a good thing. Who needs Colin Powell on tv denying that the war is being pressed in Israel's interests.
Back once more to Moran. What is the nature of his supposedly "anti-Israel" record that the rabbis in his district are now seeking to avenge? In a speech to the American Muslim Council, Moran, who has traveled extensively in the Middle East, said Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon was coming to Washington "probably seeking a warrant from President Bush to kill at will with weapons we have paid for." True enough.
In a 1996 Jerusalem Post op-ed, Moran described an Israeli border policeman beating an unarmed Palestinian. "The unarmed youth was held on the ground while police officers armed with guns and clubs climbed over each other's backs to land their own blows on his body," Moran wrote. "Most of the witnesses to this scene said it happens all the time. When Israeli police and Palestinians are concerned there is no justice or fair play. Might makes right. I witnessed the police laughing and making self-congratulatory gestures after the beating." How encouraging to know that an elected US representative has the sinew to describe such a scene. How chastening to realize that such indignation, in Nancy Pelosi's words about Moran's recent remarks in Virginia, has "no place in the Democratic Party"-or, given the broader Christian evangelical alliance with Sharon, in the Republican Party either.
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