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On the elections, and beyond
"The candidates are more interested in sloganeering than attacking the real social problems. Nonetheless, most Haitians are fed up with suffering from disunity, poverty and insecurity. That's why many people think that the elections are a necessary step towards building a nation and
fighting against poverty."
fighting against poverty."
Haiti Support Group press release: On the elections, and beyond - 6 February
2006
In common with many others concerned with the elections to be held in Haiti
on Tuesday, 7th February 2006, the British solidarity organisation, the Haiti
Support Group, hopes that fears of election-day violence will prove to be
unfounded.
We note the words of Helen Spraos, Christian Aid's country representative,
who said: "All it will take is for a few people to start shooting into the air
in certain places, and people will not risk coming out to vote."
Yolette Etienne, Oxfam's Country Programme Manager for Haiti, shares these
fears, "Many residents of Port-au-Prince have told us they are too scared to
make the journey to vote on Tuesday. Innocent people in Haiti have endured a wave
of violence in the last two years. Rape is common in Port-au-Prince and this
is directly linked to the proliferation of arms."
Etienne's comment about the proliferation of small arms and the link to
sexual violence and other types of violence in Port-au-Prince highlights one of the
very great failures of the so-called 'transition' in Haiti, and that is the
miserable failure of the interim government and the UN peacekeeping mission
(the MINUSTAH) to implement a disarmament programme.
The Haiti Support Group was staggered to read a recent report revealing that,
while similar UN-run disarmament and demobilisation programmes have helped
disband guerrilla and other armed factions in Sierra Leone, Mozambique and El
Salvador, the UN programme in Haiti has so far has managed to collect just 30
weapons! The MINUSTAH force currently composed of some 7,000 troops and nearly
2,000 police has been in Haiti since June 2004.
Once the elections are over and international attention rapidly fades, the
issues of the widespread availability of small arms and armed violence will
remain.
While realising that what happens in the capital, Port-au-Prince, has a big
impact on attitudes outside the city, the Haiti Support Group is keen to stress
that the rest of the country, where three-quarters of the population lives,
is relatively calm and free of violence. Cite Soleil is not Port-au-Prince, and
Port-au-Prince is not Haiti.
We should also add that elections are not the be-all and end-all of
democracy.
Hervens Jeanty, the coordinator of KORAL, a small projects fund, supported by
Christian Aid, commented, "The candidates are more interested in sloganeering
than attacking the real social problems. Nonetheless, most Haitians are fed
up with suffering from disunity, poverty and insecurity. That's why many people
think that the elections are a necessary step towards building a nation and
fighting against poverty."
Haitian organisations involved in the long-term and very necessary work of
re-building a vibrant civil society movement for fundamental change in the
country are wary about the expectations raised by the elections.
Batay Ouvriye, the popular organisation working with newly-organised unions,
is clear that, as far as it is concerned, "these elections are a way for the
ruling class to rearrange their affairs on the backs of the poor majority." The
organisation is calling for activists and militants to try and preserve their
independence from the political parties because, while controlled by the
ruling class and the imperialist powers, "the elections will not provide any
solution to the profound crisis afflicting the working people of Haiti."
Joseph Georges, the coordinator of SAKS, a non-governmental organisation
working in support of the community radio network, expressed similar scepticism
about the elections, questioning their value in a society where impunity for
crimes remains unchallenged.
In an article entitled, "Elections with impunity: what can change?". Georges
wrote, "We see the elections taking place in the country with many
presidential candidates who are people with serious records, people accused of
involvement in crimes, in corruption and in drug-trafficking, etc...The state accepts
these people as candidates. Society accepts them as candidates. What examples
are we giving our children and youth to look up to?"
Charles Arthur
Haiti Support Group
haitisupport [at] gn.apc.org
http://www.haitisupport.gn.apc.org
------------------------------
Forwarded by the Haiti Support Group - solidarity with the Haitian people's
struggle for human rights, participatory democracy and equitable development -
since 1992
2006
In common with many others concerned with the elections to be held in Haiti
on Tuesday, 7th February 2006, the British solidarity organisation, the Haiti
Support Group, hopes that fears of election-day violence will prove to be
unfounded.
We note the words of Helen Spraos, Christian Aid's country representative,
who said: "All it will take is for a few people to start shooting into the air
in certain places, and people will not risk coming out to vote."
Yolette Etienne, Oxfam's Country Programme Manager for Haiti, shares these
fears, "Many residents of Port-au-Prince have told us they are too scared to
make the journey to vote on Tuesday. Innocent people in Haiti have endured a wave
of violence in the last two years. Rape is common in Port-au-Prince and this
is directly linked to the proliferation of arms."
Etienne's comment about the proliferation of small arms and the link to
sexual violence and other types of violence in Port-au-Prince highlights one of the
very great failures of the so-called 'transition' in Haiti, and that is the
miserable failure of the interim government and the UN peacekeeping mission
(the MINUSTAH) to implement a disarmament programme.
The Haiti Support Group was staggered to read a recent report revealing that,
while similar UN-run disarmament and demobilisation programmes have helped
disband guerrilla and other armed factions in Sierra Leone, Mozambique and El
Salvador, the UN programme in Haiti has so far has managed to collect just 30
weapons! The MINUSTAH force currently composed of some 7,000 troops and nearly
2,000 police has been in Haiti since June 2004.
Once the elections are over and international attention rapidly fades, the
issues of the widespread availability of small arms and armed violence will
remain.
While realising that what happens in the capital, Port-au-Prince, has a big
impact on attitudes outside the city, the Haiti Support Group is keen to stress
that the rest of the country, where three-quarters of the population lives,
is relatively calm and free of violence. Cite Soleil is not Port-au-Prince, and
Port-au-Prince is not Haiti.
We should also add that elections are not the be-all and end-all of
democracy.
Hervens Jeanty, the coordinator of KORAL, a small projects fund, supported by
Christian Aid, commented, "The candidates are more interested in sloganeering
than attacking the real social problems. Nonetheless, most Haitians are fed
up with suffering from disunity, poverty and insecurity. That's why many people
think that the elections are a necessary step towards building a nation and
fighting against poverty."
Haitian organisations involved in the long-term and very necessary work of
re-building a vibrant civil society movement for fundamental change in the
country are wary about the expectations raised by the elections.
Batay Ouvriye, the popular organisation working with newly-organised unions,
is clear that, as far as it is concerned, "these elections are a way for the
ruling class to rearrange their affairs on the backs of the poor majority." The
organisation is calling for activists and militants to try and preserve their
independence from the political parties because, while controlled by the
ruling class and the imperialist powers, "the elections will not provide any
solution to the profound crisis afflicting the working people of Haiti."
Joseph Georges, the coordinator of SAKS, a non-governmental organisation
working in support of the community radio network, expressed similar scepticism
about the elections, questioning their value in a society where impunity for
crimes remains unchallenged.
In an article entitled, "Elections with impunity: what can change?". Georges
wrote, "We see the elections taking place in the country with many
presidential candidates who are people with serious records, people accused of
involvement in crimes, in corruption and in drug-trafficking, etc...The state accepts
these people as candidates. Society accepts them as candidates. What examples
are we giving our children and youth to look up to?"
Charles Arthur
Haiti Support Group
haitisupport [at] gn.apc.org
http://www.haitisupport.gn.apc.org
------------------------------
Forwarded by the Haiti Support Group - solidarity with the Haitian people's
struggle for human rights, participatory democracy and equitable development -
since 1992
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This group Batay Ouvriye you speak of. The NED has them listed for a $100,000 grant.
Why do organizations like yours continue to work with agents of imperialism? Should we even take any of your analysis seriously?
Why do organizations like yours continue to work with agents of imperialism? Should we even take any of your analysis seriously?
"popular organisation"
"ruling class"
What the hell are you talking about?
The NED is giving $100,000 to the batay.
Batay claims they would accept "millions".
How can you even claim to speak for the Haitian people?
These organizations called for the elected government to leave the country. Why should we extend solidarity to an NED grantee?
Batay Ouvriye has an internet empire thanks to people such as yourself.
Sadly, on the ground few people in Haiti know who they are.
"ruling class"
What the hell are you talking about?
The NED is giving $100,000 to the batay.
Batay claims they would accept "millions".
How can you even claim to speak for the Haitian people?
These organizations called for the elected government to leave the country. Why should we extend solidarity to an NED grantee?
Batay Ouvriye has an internet empire thanks to people such as yourself.
Sadly, on the ground few people in Haiti know who they are.
SAKS is the Canadian-government funded counterpart to the USAID-financed "popular" organization RAMAK, which used to be staffed by right-wing Haitians who backed the 2004 coup, now work for the International Republican Institute and work closely with the Group of 184, an organization that the Haiti Support Group used to critically scrutinize.
The article above, examined through the lense of deepening funding relationships between key foreign "donors"/occupiers and their Haitian counterparts, contains some serious contradictions. The SAKS and USAID-funded RAMAK programs which fall between psyops and traidtional indoctrination (aka "civic education") campaigns, are all part of a common "democracy promotion" strategy that will fashion a Haiti along the lines of a U.S. led transnational model of elite and neoliberal rule. See http://www.mediashaiti.org for details on the Canadian-government funded media infiltration program and to trace it's ties to USAID, NED, and others, see http://www.inthenameofdemocracy.org, and http://www.dec.org (where the latest CAII/RAMAK annual report can be downloaded). It's too bad that HSG can't seem to produce reports that are critical of the real imperialist program that is being carried out in Haiti.
For background articles and analysis on U.S. led "democracy promotion" in Haiti, see:
- "Haiti: The "practically insovable problem" of establishing consensual domination" in William I. Robinson's "Promoting Polyarchy: Globalization, US Intervention, and Hegemony," pp. 256-317;
- Cooley-Prost, "Democracy Intervention in Haiti;
- Allan Nairn's "Our Man in Fraph: Behind Haiti's Paramilitaries," The Nation, 1994.
- John Canham-Clyne, "US Policy on Haiti: Selling out Democracy," Covert Action Quarterly, Spring 1994;
- "The Haiti Files: Decoding the Crisis," James Ridgewood, ed.
- Jane Regan's "A.I.D.ing U.S. Interests in Haiti," CAQ, Winter 1994-95
- Amy Goodman and Anthony Fenton: "U.S. Gvt. Channels Millions Through National Endowment for Democracy to Fund Anti-Lavalas Groups in Haiti." http://www.democracynow.org/article.pl?sid=06/01/23/1441204
- Bogdanich and Norberg's "DEMOCRACY UNDONE: Back Channels vs. Policy; Mixed U.S. Signals Helped Tilt Haiti Toward Chaos," NYT, January 29, 2006.
- Recent FOIA documents published online at http://freehaiti.net
The article above, examined through the lense of deepening funding relationships between key foreign "donors"/occupiers and their Haitian counterparts, contains some serious contradictions. The SAKS and USAID-funded RAMAK programs which fall between psyops and traidtional indoctrination (aka "civic education") campaigns, are all part of a common "democracy promotion" strategy that will fashion a Haiti along the lines of a U.S. led transnational model of elite and neoliberal rule. See http://www.mediashaiti.org for details on the Canadian-government funded media infiltration program and to trace it's ties to USAID, NED, and others, see http://www.inthenameofdemocracy.org, and http://www.dec.org (where the latest CAII/RAMAK annual report can be downloaded). It's too bad that HSG can't seem to produce reports that are critical of the real imperialist program that is being carried out in Haiti.
For background articles and analysis on U.S. led "democracy promotion" in Haiti, see:
- "Haiti: The "practically insovable problem" of establishing consensual domination" in William I. Robinson's "Promoting Polyarchy: Globalization, US Intervention, and Hegemony," pp. 256-317;
- Cooley-Prost, "Democracy Intervention in Haiti;
- Allan Nairn's "Our Man in Fraph: Behind Haiti's Paramilitaries," The Nation, 1994.
- John Canham-Clyne, "US Policy on Haiti: Selling out Democracy," Covert Action Quarterly, Spring 1994;
- "The Haiti Files: Decoding the Crisis," James Ridgewood, ed.
- Jane Regan's "A.I.D.ing U.S. Interests in Haiti," CAQ, Winter 1994-95
- Amy Goodman and Anthony Fenton: "U.S. Gvt. Channels Millions Through National Endowment for Democracy to Fund Anti-Lavalas Groups in Haiti." http://www.democracynow.org/article.pl?sid=06/01/23/1441204
- Bogdanich and Norberg's "DEMOCRACY UNDONE: Back Channels vs. Policy; Mixed U.S. Signals Helped Tilt Haiti Toward Chaos," NYT, January 29, 2006.
- Recent FOIA documents published online at http://freehaiti.net
Too bad that your comments suggest you don't know much about Haiti. Have you ever been to Haiti? Have you ever spoken to the staff of SAKS? Have you ever met people running a community radio station?
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