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The Venezuelan Election: Chavez Wins, Bush Loses (Again)! Now What?
The Venezuelan congressional elections of December 4, 2005 mark a turning point in domestic politics and US-Venezuelan relations. President Chavez's party, the Movement of the Fifth Republic, won approximately 68 per cent of the congressional seats and with other pro-government parties , elected all the representatives.
The turnout for the congressional elections without a presidential campaign was 25 per cent. The pro-Chavez percentage exceeds the pluralities secured in previous congressional elections in 1998 (11.24 per cent) and 2000 (17 per cent). If we compare the voter turnout with the most recent election, which included the opposition (the August 2005 municipal elections), the abstention campaign accounted for only a 6 per cent increase in citizens who chose not to vote (69 per cent to75 per cent). The claim that the low turnout was a result of the US backed opposition's boycott is clearly false.
The argument that the level of turnout calls into question the legitimacy of the elections would, if applied to any US "off-year" election, de-legitimize many congressional, municipal and gubernatorial elections.
One of the most striking aspects of the election was the highly polarized voter participation: In the elite and upper middle class neighborhoods voter turnout was below 10 per cent, while in the numerous popular neighborhoods the BBC reported lines waiting to cast their ballots.
With close to a majority of the poor voting and over 90 per cent voting for Chavez' party, and electing an all Chavez legislature, the way is open for new, more progressive legislation, without the obstructionist tactics of a virulent opposition. This should lead to measures accelerating the expropriation of latifundios (large estates) and of bankrupt and closed factories as well as new large-scale social and infrastructure investments. It is also possible a new constitutional amendment will allow for a third term for President Chavez.
Read More
http://counterpunch.org/petras12082005.html
The argument that the level of turnout calls into question the legitimacy of the elections would, if applied to any US "off-year" election, de-legitimize many congressional, municipal and gubernatorial elections.
One of the most striking aspects of the election was the highly polarized voter participation: In the elite and upper middle class neighborhoods voter turnout was below 10 per cent, while in the numerous popular neighborhoods the BBC reported lines waiting to cast their ballots.
With close to a majority of the poor voting and over 90 per cent voting for Chavez' party, and electing an all Chavez legislature, the way is open for new, more progressive legislation, without the obstructionist tactics of a virulent opposition. This should lead to measures accelerating the expropriation of latifundios (large estates) and of bankrupt and closed factories as well as new large-scale social and infrastructure investments. It is also possible a new constitutional amendment will allow for a third term for President Chavez.
Read More
http://counterpunch.org/petras12082005.html
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The US-backed opposition pulled all available strings to derail Venezuela's legislative elections, writes Faiza Rady
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Following the four main opposition parties' pullout from Venezuela's legislative elections last week, President Hugo Chàvez's party the Movement for the Fifth Republic (MVR) won 114 of the new National Assembly's 167 seats on Sunday. The remaining seats all went to pro-Chàvez parties. The opposition parties -- Acción Democràtica (Democratic Action), COPEI (Social Christian), Primero Justicia (Justice First) and Proyecto Venezuela (Venezuelan Project) -- who had boycotted the elections and thus effectively excluded themselves from parliament, then cried foul play -- claiming that the freshly-elected National Assembly lacked legitimacy because only 22 per cent of registered voters went to the polls. "From a multi- party parliament we pass to a mono-party parliament that does not represent the broad sectors of the population. Today a National Assembly is born that is wounded in its legitimacy," said Maria Machado, one of the directors of Sumate, a virulently anti-Chàvez opposition NGO that coordinated last year's failed recall referendum against the Venezuelan president.
Chàvez was quick to dismiss the charges and denounce the Bush administration for being behind the opposition's schemes to destabilise his government. "Another conspiracy is being acted out against Venezuela, and I am not going to blame the dogs but the masters, the government of the United States," said Chàvez. He was referring to the fact that Sumate, like other contra groups, is funded by the $20 million the US government has generously granted the Venezuelan opposition over the past five years. The money is channelled by the International Republican Institute, which receives congressional funding through the National Endowment for Democracy -- a notorious CIA conduit. The International Republican Institute admits to training opposition cadres, political derailment being presumably on the agenda.
Following the elections, Minister of Justice Jesse Chacon rejected the opposition's claim that Sunday's turnout had been particularly low, saying that previous legislative elections had even lower voter participation. In 1998, the social-democratic Acción Democràtica (AD) became the National Assembly's governing party with only 11.24 per cent of the registered vote, explained Chacon. And in 2000 Chàvez's MVR took over from the AD, with 17 per cent of the vote. Thus, Sunday's estimated 22 per cent turnout tops those of previous elections, giving this parliament greater -- not less -- legitimacy.
The opposition parties justified their withdrawal from the political process on the basis of their lack of confidence in Venezuela's electoral authority, the National Electoral Council (CNE). The CNE was appointed by the Supreme Court, after the National Assembly failed to garner a two- thirds majority vote required to appoint the council. Following the CNE's appointment, the opposition charged that the council was "unconstitutional" because it was controlled by Chàvez supporters. However, as clarified by political scientist Gregory Wilpert in Venezuelanalysis.com, such criticisms "are of little value since it is the court and not the opposition that determines constitutionality."
Still, the CNE bent over backwards to satisfy opposition demands for greater electoral transparency. Among other concessions, the CNE agreed to remove finger print scanners to protect voter anonymity, and -- as a guarantee against fraud -- the council also agreed to compare 45 per cent of ballot boxes nationwide with computer printouts listing voter participation.
On 28 November, one week prior to the elections, The Electoral Observation Mission of the Organisation of American States (OAS) in Venezuela expressed their satisfaction with the voting system, and the CNE's compliance with opposition demands. "The mission is satisfied that the efforts of the political parties and the CNE produced important advances to generate confidence in the electoral process... and the current automated system is sophisticated and complex and represents an important advancement towards this end," reads the OAS statement, adding that " [opposition parties] expressed that save an extraordinary event, the guarantees offered to this date permit the elections to proceed as scheduled without any new requests."
More
http://weekly.ahram.org.eg/2005/772/in4.htm
---
Following the four main opposition parties' pullout from Venezuela's legislative elections last week, President Hugo Chàvez's party the Movement for the Fifth Republic (MVR) won 114 of the new National Assembly's 167 seats on Sunday. The remaining seats all went to pro-Chàvez parties. The opposition parties -- Acción Democràtica (Democratic Action), COPEI (Social Christian), Primero Justicia (Justice First) and Proyecto Venezuela (Venezuelan Project) -- who had boycotted the elections and thus effectively excluded themselves from parliament, then cried foul play -- claiming that the freshly-elected National Assembly lacked legitimacy because only 22 per cent of registered voters went to the polls. "From a multi- party parliament we pass to a mono-party parliament that does not represent the broad sectors of the population. Today a National Assembly is born that is wounded in its legitimacy," said Maria Machado, one of the directors of Sumate, a virulently anti-Chàvez opposition NGO that coordinated last year's failed recall referendum against the Venezuelan president.
Chàvez was quick to dismiss the charges and denounce the Bush administration for being behind the opposition's schemes to destabilise his government. "Another conspiracy is being acted out against Venezuela, and I am not going to blame the dogs but the masters, the government of the United States," said Chàvez. He was referring to the fact that Sumate, like other contra groups, is funded by the $20 million the US government has generously granted the Venezuelan opposition over the past five years. The money is channelled by the International Republican Institute, which receives congressional funding through the National Endowment for Democracy -- a notorious CIA conduit. The International Republican Institute admits to training opposition cadres, political derailment being presumably on the agenda.
Following the elections, Minister of Justice Jesse Chacon rejected the opposition's claim that Sunday's turnout had been particularly low, saying that previous legislative elections had even lower voter participation. In 1998, the social-democratic Acción Democràtica (AD) became the National Assembly's governing party with only 11.24 per cent of the registered vote, explained Chacon. And in 2000 Chàvez's MVR took over from the AD, with 17 per cent of the vote. Thus, Sunday's estimated 22 per cent turnout tops those of previous elections, giving this parliament greater -- not less -- legitimacy.
The opposition parties justified their withdrawal from the political process on the basis of their lack of confidence in Venezuela's electoral authority, the National Electoral Council (CNE). The CNE was appointed by the Supreme Court, after the National Assembly failed to garner a two- thirds majority vote required to appoint the council. Following the CNE's appointment, the opposition charged that the council was "unconstitutional" because it was controlled by Chàvez supporters. However, as clarified by political scientist Gregory Wilpert in Venezuelanalysis.com, such criticisms "are of little value since it is the court and not the opposition that determines constitutionality."
Still, the CNE bent over backwards to satisfy opposition demands for greater electoral transparency. Among other concessions, the CNE agreed to remove finger print scanners to protect voter anonymity, and -- as a guarantee against fraud -- the council also agreed to compare 45 per cent of ballot boxes nationwide with computer printouts listing voter participation.
On 28 November, one week prior to the elections, The Electoral Observation Mission of the Organisation of American States (OAS) in Venezuela expressed their satisfaction with the voting system, and the CNE's compliance with opposition demands. "The mission is satisfied that the efforts of the political parties and the CNE produced important advances to generate confidence in the electoral process... and the current automated system is sophisticated and complex and represents an important advancement towards this end," reads the OAS statement, adding that " [opposition parties] expressed that save an extraordinary event, the guarantees offered to this date permit the elections to proceed as scheduled without any new requests."
More
http://weekly.ahram.org.eg/2005/772/in4.htm
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