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Indybay Feature
Fascists from Berkeley to Rotterdam Mourn
The man who said "Islam is a backward religion," Pim Fortuyn, was assassinated today. A spontaneous rally by fascist youth was held in the Netherlands, while fascist youth in Berkeley (Rory Miller) wrote, "The Netherlands have lost an asset today." Now you know where the anti-SJP sentiment comes from. Sieg heil, Rory, towards a political program which eradicates all muslims everywhere!
Right-wing populist Pim Fortuyn, who is mounting a big electoral challenge to the governing parties in power, has been banging on for some time about the publication of his book, 'The ruins of 8 years Purple government' in which he offers his 'solutions' to the pressing problems of health care, public security and migration.
The book, now out, is also designed to act as the election programme of his new party, the Lijst Pim Fortuyn (LPF), which is currently running second in the opinion polls for the 15 May general election.
Fortuyn made sure some journalists obtained advance copies so that, even before its official publication date, he and his party were already grabbing newspaper headlines and dominating radio and TV news programmes. After the book launch, Fortuyn was top news as the reactions of other politicians and opinion formers were faithfully recorded for several days.
Fortuyn was, of course, delighted but not everyone was so enthusiastic about his literary effort. Indeed, at the launch press conference, Fortuyn was attacked by members of the green Biologic Baker¹s Brigade, who lobbed three tarts at him in protest at his racist lyrics and empty slogans. Wiping pastry off his suit, he immediately blamed current Dutch prime minister Wim Kok for "creating an atmosphere" in which such actions "inevitably take place".
Much of the political reaction was deeply critical but Fortuyn still managed to be in the country's four main news programmes on the same evening, setting what might be a record. He also made headlines when he was sworn in, together with fifteen other members of Leefbaar Rotterdam (LR), to Rotterdam city council at the city hall.
Fortuyn's ambition to get his hands on decision making posts, however, did not to materialise after he failed to form a coalition with the Social Democrats of the PvdA, the city's second biggest party, whom he hates. As a result, Rotterdam still does not have a city council.
Even if his political antics in Rotterdam are laughable, his book and the whole package of reactionary ideas it touts has to be taken seriously. For example, Fortuyn wants to abolish a disability benefits law under which a million people obtain state money because they are unable to work. Fortuyn claims to 'know' that 300,000 people are fraudulently claiming disability benefit and should be turfed out of the state scheme.
His recipe for the health care system is no less radical: he wants to fire a quarter of all civil servants and to reorganise health care in a way that people can choose how they are insured, guaranteeing preferential treatment for the rich. In his reforming zeal, Fortuyn also wants to get rid of rent reductions for poor people and demands forced mixing of social groups in urban areas.
The young do not escape the sweep of Fortuyn's broad brush, either. In his book he demands the return of conscription the imposition of civil duties for youngsters. And, of course, he calls for the establishment of reform institutions for young offenders.
However, it is on the issue of migration that Fortuyn¹s trumpet blasts loudest. According to him, the Netherlands must re-establish border control, renounce the Schengen and the United Nations refugee treaties and scan every container coming in to the port of Rotterdam. Only refugees from England, Germany, France and Denmark are welcome, he says. As for other, presumably non-white, migrants, if they do not assimilate quickly enough, they will be refused social welfare.
Fortuyn regards migrants as "a dead weight in society" and wants to scrap Article 1 of the Dutch constitution which enshrines equal treatment of all citizens of the Netherlands. He reserves much venom for Muslims, stating: "If I can get it right juridically, no Muslim will enter our country anymore."
It is here that his racism is put on show. His statement about the "criminal behaviour" of Moroccan youth in some cities "Moroccan boys never steal from Moroccans. Did you notice that? We can be stolen from, but not them" has already become quite infamous.
There is also a latent antisemitism in another remark on reparations paid to the Jewish community for its sufferings under the Nazis in his book: "The mistake is made when we bend to the Jewish lobby. Not in the sense of compensation for theft and harm made to those directly involved or relatives , but in the sense of the general compensation which was handed out to all kinds of Jewish foundations, which can use that money, our money, for every purpose they want, even to hand it out among the poor. This action I put in the category, Once, but never again!"
The discussion about compensation for relatives of victims of slavery also stirs up Fortuyn¹s anger: "People who say they still suffer from the past of the slavery of their far ancestors belong at the psychiatrist's, not at the negotiating table for financial compensation". Fortuyn devotes a lot of space to the "lower class" and blames migrants for the heavy pressures on public transport and the waiting lists in the health sector.
He is also very misogynist, arguing that women belong at home. Strangely, it is only Islamic woman he wants to emancipate but he does not specify how. In any case, his statement seems more designed to prove that Islam in the Netherlands oppresses women and denounces women¹s rights than anything else.
Armed with this political check list and surrounded by generally very decent and totally uncritical followers, Fortuyn¹s mission, he proclaims, is to "save Holland". Describing himself as a "son of the people of the Netherlands", he is promoting a "survival of the fittest society", a society separated and divided into "haves" and "have nots", into "Dutchmen" and "foreigners", into men and woman.
Fortuyn is supported by businessmen, mainly from the world of property speculation, and has promised to repay their help when he¹s in power. Driven around in a Daimler and living in a big villa in Rotterdam, he has, it seems, unlimited attraction to young people, to to first time voters, to neo-liberals, to people who have never voted before and, of course, to the extreme right.
Fortuyn¹s emergence as a political force has prompted numerous counter-initiatives against Fortuyn and his political ideas and it is good to see that not only anti-fascists are active in this. In fact, Fortuyn has woken up a lot of people.
Jeroen Bosch, Anti-Fascist Action/Alert in Utrecht
The book, now out, is also designed to act as the election programme of his new party, the Lijst Pim Fortuyn (LPF), which is currently running second in the opinion polls for the 15 May general election.
Fortuyn made sure some journalists obtained advance copies so that, even before its official publication date, he and his party were already grabbing newspaper headlines and dominating radio and TV news programmes. After the book launch, Fortuyn was top news as the reactions of other politicians and opinion formers were faithfully recorded for several days.
Fortuyn was, of course, delighted but not everyone was so enthusiastic about his literary effort. Indeed, at the launch press conference, Fortuyn was attacked by members of the green Biologic Baker¹s Brigade, who lobbed three tarts at him in protest at his racist lyrics and empty slogans. Wiping pastry off his suit, he immediately blamed current Dutch prime minister Wim Kok for "creating an atmosphere" in which such actions "inevitably take place".
Much of the political reaction was deeply critical but Fortuyn still managed to be in the country's four main news programmes on the same evening, setting what might be a record. He also made headlines when he was sworn in, together with fifteen other members of Leefbaar Rotterdam (LR), to Rotterdam city council at the city hall.
Fortuyn's ambition to get his hands on decision making posts, however, did not to materialise after he failed to form a coalition with the Social Democrats of the PvdA, the city's second biggest party, whom he hates. As a result, Rotterdam still does not have a city council.
Even if his political antics in Rotterdam are laughable, his book and the whole package of reactionary ideas it touts has to be taken seriously. For example, Fortuyn wants to abolish a disability benefits law under which a million people obtain state money because they are unable to work. Fortuyn claims to 'know' that 300,000 people are fraudulently claiming disability benefit and should be turfed out of the state scheme.
His recipe for the health care system is no less radical: he wants to fire a quarter of all civil servants and to reorganise health care in a way that people can choose how they are insured, guaranteeing preferential treatment for the rich. In his reforming zeal, Fortuyn also wants to get rid of rent reductions for poor people and demands forced mixing of social groups in urban areas.
The young do not escape the sweep of Fortuyn's broad brush, either. In his book he demands the return of conscription the imposition of civil duties for youngsters. And, of course, he calls for the establishment of reform institutions for young offenders.
However, it is on the issue of migration that Fortuyn¹s trumpet blasts loudest. According to him, the Netherlands must re-establish border control, renounce the Schengen and the United Nations refugee treaties and scan every container coming in to the port of Rotterdam. Only refugees from England, Germany, France and Denmark are welcome, he says. As for other, presumably non-white, migrants, if they do not assimilate quickly enough, they will be refused social welfare.
Fortuyn regards migrants as "a dead weight in society" and wants to scrap Article 1 of the Dutch constitution which enshrines equal treatment of all citizens of the Netherlands. He reserves much venom for Muslims, stating: "If I can get it right juridically, no Muslim will enter our country anymore."
It is here that his racism is put on show. His statement about the "criminal behaviour" of Moroccan youth in some cities "Moroccan boys never steal from Moroccans. Did you notice that? We can be stolen from, but not them" has already become quite infamous.
There is also a latent antisemitism in another remark on reparations paid to the Jewish community for its sufferings under the Nazis in his book: "The mistake is made when we bend to the Jewish lobby. Not in the sense of compensation for theft and harm made to those directly involved or relatives , but in the sense of the general compensation which was handed out to all kinds of Jewish foundations, which can use that money, our money, for every purpose they want, even to hand it out among the poor. This action I put in the category, Once, but never again!"
The discussion about compensation for relatives of victims of slavery also stirs up Fortuyn¹s anger: "People who say they still suffer from the past of the slavery of their far ancestors belong at the psychiatrist's, not at the negotiating table for financial compensation". Fortuyn devotes a lot of space to the "lower class" and blames migrants for the heavy pressures on public transport and the waiting lists in the health sector.
He is also very misogynist, arguing that women belong at home. Strangely, it is only Islamic woman he wants to emancipate but he does not specify how. In any case, his statement seems more designed to prove that Islam in the Netherlands oppresses women and denounces women¹s rights than anything else.
Armed with this political check list and surrounded by generally very decent and totally uncritical followers, Fortuyn¹s mission, he proclaims, is to "save Holland". Describing himself as a "son of the people of the Netherlands", he is promoting a "survival of the fittest society", a society separated and divided into "haves" and "have nots", into "Dutchmen" and "foreigners", into men and woman.
Fortuyn is supported by businessmen, mainly from the world of property speculation, and has promised to repay their help when he¹s in power. Driven around in a Daimler and living in a big villa in Rotterdam, he has, it seems, unlimited attraction to young people, to to first time voters, to neo-liberals, to people who have never voted before and, of course, to the extreme right.
Fortuyn¹s emergence as a political force has prompted numerous counter-initiatives against Fortuyn and his political ideas and it is good to see that not only anti-fascists are active in this. In fact, Fortuyn has woken up a lot of people.
Jeroen Bosch, Anti-Fascist Action/Alert in Utrecht
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Comments
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1) What happened to us that we can think of any religion, especially one as pervasive in daily life as Islam is, as not backwards? Our values have always clashed with those of any religion, even those which have "liberalised" like say, Roman Catholicism.
Do we defend Islam because it is hated by the people we hate (the Western militiary-industrial complex)? It was our enemy before... now it's a friend because it is the enemy of our enemy?
2) This was not part of the article, for which I am glad, but I have wonder how many of us progressives will applaud the use of assassination. It destroyed the reputation of Anarchism a century ago... I wonder where our moral stance will fall this time.
Do we defend Islam because it is hated by the people we hate (the Western militiary-industrial complex)? It was our enemy before... now it's a friend because it is the enemy of our enemy?
2) This was not part of the article, for which I am glad, but I have wonder how many of us progressives will applaud the use of assassination. It destroyed the reputation of Anarchism a century ago... I wonder where our moral stance will fall this time.
Positions of Lijst Pim Fortuyn
Businesslike but with a heart
At the start of 2002, the politico-social landscape in the Netherlands is dominated by a socio-economic decline, partly as a result of the worldwide economic downturn following the terrorist acts of 11 September 2001, but partly also due to rising collective financial burdens and inflation. The international safety situation is unstable.
Europe is a bureaucracy which barely interests its citizens, let alone inspires them. After almost eight years of the Purple Coalition, prosperity in the Netherlands has increased, partly thanks to improved economic circumstances, but this is overshadowed by increasing crime levels and huge shortfalls in education and healthcare. The Purple Coalition's policy of toleration has encouraged a divide in the country, as a result of which large groups of ethnic minorities do not participate actively in society. The Netherlands is not an immigration country. The annual stream of tens of thousands of newcomers, who largely end up as illegal aliens, must stop. Only then can the integration and emancipation of minorities succeed. The LPF wants to work hard to achieve this, but it demands the full efforts of the minorities, because it is worth the effort to be a Dutch citizen.
Among other things, the Purple Coalition has saddled the Netherlands with:
- a complacent political culture which is totally set in its ways, with appointed dictators completely lacking in creativity or an ability to learn.
· - a highly disappointing healthcare system, with its waiting lists resulting in unnecessary deaths;
· - an education system which is lagging behind, with classes full of pupils being sent home;
· - high inflation, at the expense of the financially less well-off and of our export position;
· - high crime levels, as a result of which citizens do not feel safe, either on the street or at home;
· - one million people claiming disability benefit, an irresponsible number for future generations;
· - inadequate protection of citizen's interests as a result of the policy of toleration;
· - large-scale problems in the area of mobility;
· - immigration levels getting out of hand in an overpopulated country;
· - a serious divide in the population, part of which is suffering social and cultural deprivation, particularly in the large cities;
· - the failure of the 'polder model', with insufficient protection of the purchasing power of the citizen and insufficient guarantees of the level of democracy in society.
Lijst Pim Fortuyn (LPF) wants to tackle these problems by means of a new and careful policy. Careful not only because this is the only way to serve the interests of all Dutch citizens, irrespective of race, beliefs or nature. Careful because we will at all times work to achieve small-scale solutions at the human level. Our positions are businesslike, but with a heart.
Health
Healthcare in this country is in a crisis, resulting from an inappropriate structure and over-regulation on the part of central government, making it impossible to offer many people the care that they should be able to count on in a civilised western country. The waiting lists for life-threatening illnesses, in particular, are unacceptable.
The healthcare sector is burdened with a huge bureaucracy, which has resulted in an imbalance between the money invested and the quality offered. The current government will not be able to solve the problems in the healthcare sector, nor does it have any idea how to tackle the problem of the increasingly ageing population in the future. The LPF wants to hold the healthcare sector accountable on a regular basis, by setting clear criteria on the quality and quantity of care, thereby ensuring that what is offered is what the citizen is entitled to. It will be up to the sector itself to organise this, initially on the basis of the current budget, with the exception of care for the elderly, for which additional funds must be made available for increasing staffing levels. It is clear that this improvement in quality will only be successful through the deployment of greater numbers of carers, fewer managers and less small-scale thinking. Medical entrepreneurship must be encouraged. Private care institutions will be given the same rights as regular hospitals. The government will monitor the quality and accessibility of care.
In addition, a great deal of work is needed in the area of prevention, by promoting a healthy lifestyle and healthy living environment. In order to reduce the waiting lists, the current budgeting system must be scrapped, to allow medical specialists to carry out additional operations. This can start as of 2005, because the current framework agreements run out in 2004. Specialists will then be paid for performance on the basis of an hourly fee. The LPF would like to strengthen first-line care by attracting nurse practitioners who can take some of the workload off the shoulders of the general practitioners. Those returning to work after raising a family and part-timers must be given help in setting up general practitioner (GP) posts in areas in which there is a danger of a shortage of provision. Establishing GP posts at hospitals would greatly reduce the number of visitors to Accident and Emergency units. Smaller, regional hospitals in residential centres must be maintained; the quality can be ensured by working together with training hospitals and using ICT solutions. More hands at the bedside, by promoting educational courses, reducing sickness absenteeism, providing the funds to train operating theatre assistants in hospitals and the introduction of a social work placement for secondary school pupils.
Education
Teaching staff to be paid a market salary, and the education system to be restructured, partly on the basis of the wishes of the labour market. The central theme of the LPF is that youngsters should be educated to become modern, caring, assertive citizens. Deregulation will make the education system feasible again. The administrative burdens and bureaucracy must be reduced drastically. An end to red tape choking the system and educational experiments, and greater freedom of choice for teachers. They are the real experts. Guaranteeing freedom of education, but resisting unsocial influences in education. Our preference is for smaller schools, each child must be within cycling distance of a primary school.
Social affairs
Participation in the labour process is seen in our western culture as a great good, and in the view of the LPF should be given maximum encouragement. The steady flow of new disability benefit claimants should therefore be brought to a halt. The LPF wants to achieve this by making disability benefit accessible only to those whose occupational disability has occurred in or as a result of work situations. This would involve clear and controllable medical criteria being drawn up by doctors. The Gatekeeper Improvement Act has been in effect since 1 April 2002, and imposes obligations on the employer regarding ill and occupationally disabled employees. Partly to prevent companies only taking on perfectly healthy employees, it will be necessary to limit disability benefit to work-related illnesses. In the case of all other causes of occupational disability, employees should take out private insurance - as the self-employed already do - to avoid ending up on social security benefit. The premium for this can be paid on the basis of personal wishes from the improved purchasing power resulting from a reduction in the disability benefit contribution. Those not covered by the current occupational disability arrangements, such as students, freelancers and homemakers, can then benefit from improved private insurance options.
A great deal of attention must be paid to prevention and returning to work. The 'polder model' must be critically analysed. Social services and councillors must apply the law and must not tolerate any evasion.
Public order and safety
The justice system is another area that is ripe for reorganisation on every front and at every level. Fewer than a quarter of all the 45,000 police officials is actually involved in implementation. We need more police on the street and fewer behind desks. Every policy of toleration regarding a lack of safety in the public space must be scrapped. This requires that priorities are set. Violent crime, in particular, must be tackled vigorously. It is incomprehensible that the Ministry of Justice prosecutes citizens who exercise their right to defend themselves, but sets the real criminals free due to a lack of time. It is incomprehensible that the Ministry of Justice arrests an honest Turkish tailor and hard-working Polish asparagus planters, but does not set foot in criminal neighbourhoods. Mayors and local councils should be given direct control of the police. The chief constables must be held accountable on the basis of results, and if they do not cooperate they should, if necessary, be replaced by promoting middle management. There will be a serious clampdown on contempt for the police. The heavy load on detectives caused by criminals who go straight back onto the streets and commit more crime must be brought to an end immediately by expanding the cell capacity, along with the necessary staff. Why is it, in the Netherlands, that we can allow four elderly people to a room in a nursing home, but not four criminals to a cell, at least on a temporary basis?
The excessive level of criminality is one of the principal causes of the increasing number of crimes. The Military Police would therefore be given the same powers as the police in terms of arresting and locking up criminals. Maximum use will be made of the existing contacts between the military police and foreign police forces. The training capacity of the Military Police will be kept at maximum strength during the next cabinet period. The customs service, which has been greatly reduced by successive rounds of cuts, will be strengthened again, because the customs service is authorised to monitor for drugs and weapons smuggling throughout the country. Mixed detective teams of police, Military Police and customs officers will ensure that the Netherlands does not become a safe haven for international criminals. The Mobile Border Control is currently staffed by 700 military police officers. By adding police and customs officers, the capacity of these flying squads could be doubled in a year.
Finances
The current 'Zalm Standard' must be maintained in its present form. Inflation, with its particularly crippling effect on the weakest members of society, must be tackled forcefully. Any taxes which contribute to inflation or increase costs, such as an excessively high VAT, stamp duty, ECO tax and taxes imposed by lower levels of government, must be removed from the tax system Policy measures are analysed by the ministries and the political parties in terms of their effect on income. But the effect on income is not the same as the effect on purchasing power, and that's what actually counts. What does it matter that the income of the average man is increased by 2% by a certain measure? This income could be that earned by a shrewd student working on the side, a widow eating up her capital or a divorced mother with three children in primary school. The student throws a party, the widow doesn't hear about the tax benefit and the divorced mother can finally take the children for a week's holiday. There is no such thing as the 'average man'. When calculating the effect of policy measures, the LPF will take account of the wealth and financial capacity of households. The analytical office of the LPF will be responsible for this. There is a natural resistance to paying tax. If the benefit is clear, then resistance is low. One example of this is road tax. This should not spiral out of control, however, as would be the case with pouring 260 million guiders into tollgates. Some taxes cannot be justified, like stamp duty, capital gains tax and certain local levies. If it cannot be explained why the tax is charged, and it is not clear what is done with the tax collected, or the tax charged is not in line with that in other European countries, then consideration must be given to scrapping the tax in question.
This applies particularly if the budgetary interests are low and relatively excessive perception costs are being incurred (collection, compliance and tax procedures). The LPF is demanding accountability for tax policy at all levels. Any ministry or local authority requesting the use of tax money in the context of the environment, labour mobility, employment, home ownership, European competitiveness, etc., will be wasting its time with the LPF if it has not carried out a thorough analysis of the effects, made itself accountable to the public and drawn up as watertight a system as possible to prevent fraud.
When drawing up and implementing tax policies, the legislative government is confronted with the field of tension between economic justice and legal effectiveness. The LPF puts social acceptance of tax and the intended purpose at the centre of new and existing tax law. The LPF bases its approach to spreading the tax and contribution load on the solidarity principle. The strongest shoulders will bear the heaviest loads, but in a socially acceptable manner. This will result in fiscal stimulation of the entrepreneurial climate, in wealthy individuals being taxed on the yield they have actually achieved (including losses), in support for home owners, in removal of the tax burden on victims of the poverty trap, and if necessary in pensioners being helped with specific tax benefits for the elderly.
'Kok's quarter' must be returned to the car driver. As long as public transport does not offer a good alternative to the car, it is not fair to bother the business driver in a bureaucratic manner with a variety of tax schemes.
The economy
The salary and price spiral will have to be broken, by extreme caution and with realistic pay increases. The purchasing power of Dutch citizens will have to be protected, by lowering social security contributions and, where possible, taxes. The government will have to boost the growth in labour productivity, by giving strong support to Information and Communication Technology (ICT), which in turn promotes efficiency. Wherever a combination of care responsibilities and labour jeopardise this labour productivity growth, the government will have to offer creative solutions.
Due to the unprecedented opportunities for ICT in our service-based economy, the government should support this sector as much as possible. One way to do this would be with the funds acquired from the UMTS auctions. Monopolies in the service sector will preferably not be privatised. Income-dependent subsidies which hinder entry into the labour market (the poverty trap) must be scrapped and replaced with other schemes. Policy on capital acquisition, such as that relating to the sale of rented homes, salary savings schemes and mortgage tax relief, will be continued.
Emancipation and integration
Large groups in the community are lagging behind in social and cultural terms. These groups often originate from countries which did not participate in the Judeo-Christian-humanist developments which have been taking place in Europe for centuries. These shortfalls in development are highly regrettable, as they result in a divide in society and form a threat to the functioning of our large cities. This must be tackled vigorously, on the one hand by paying extra attention to housing, schools and cultural education for these groups, but on the other by requiring these groups to make a maximum effort themselves. Cultural developments which are diametrically opposed to the desired integration and emancipation, such as arranged marriages, honour revenge and female circumcision, must be fought by means of legislation and public information. Discrimination against women in fundamentalist Islamic circles is particularly unacceptable. In a democratic society like ours, all citizens have the same rights and obligations, irrespective of race, gender, beliefs and nature. There is a division of Church and State in the Netherlands, and therefore also of mosque and state. Thanks to the division of powers (the executive, legislative and judiciary powers), citizens can develop themselves in relative freedom. Our hard-fought freedoms are worth protecting against increasing fundamentalism. We must carry out a study into whether the introduction of a social and military service for boys and girls of eighteen years of age or older can contribute to integration.
Immigration
The LPF plainly states that the Netherlands is not an immigration country. The Netherlands has one of the densest populations in the world. This is manifested in increasing problems and tensions in the area of public housing, spatial planning, employment, safety, health care, mobility, nature preservation, fragmentation of open space, care for the environment and recreation. The large-scale immigration in recent decades of often poorly educated people with no income, looking for economic improvement goes completely against all the above. In order to get Dutch society into shape, it is absolutely essential that maximum resistance is given to immigration. The funds which would be saved from providing accommodation for these immigrants/asylum-seekers can then be spent on improving the position of all legal residents of the Netherlands. People who have been displaced by socio-political situations somewhere in the world should preferably be looked after in the region from which they originate. We don't blame anyone for coming here to find refuge, but we do blame the Purple Coalition government for maintaining the illusion abroad that there is room for everyone in the Netherlands. This has resulted in emasculation of its own strict Aliens Act. Last year, 33,000 asylum seekers entered the Netherlands, less than ten per cent of which will be admitted. Most of them therefore end up as illegal immigrants. This means that 30,000 people have travelled in vain and have been given false hope. Now that's antisocial. What is needed is clarity; Dutch embassies and local media must be used to communicate the new, tighter policy. Refugees must be looked after in their own region. It is our obligation to make a generous financial contribution to achieving this. Cuts will not be imposed unconditionally on the Ministry of Development Cooperation, but expenditure will be assessed critically in terms of its effectiveness.
Mobility and spatial planning
Accessibility has become a major bottleneck. Mobility is the result of socio-economic activities (work, shopping) and socio-cultural activities (recreation, family visits) and behaviour. The solutions will therefore have to be found within these activities and behaviour, and not simply by installing infrastructure (roads, railways, canals) for which there is insufficient space and money in our country. Applications from 'ICT pavilions' and other creative ideas will have to provide the solutions, under the motto 'Utilisation alongside construction'. Flexible working hours could be used to reduce rush-hour traffic. The construction of the economically unfeasible Betuwe line will have to be stopped as quickly as possible; the funds released by this could be used to tackle the mobility problem. Bottlenecks will have to be tackled by building extra road lanes. The Purple Coalition has set the wrong priorities: billions are being spent on prestige projects such as the Betuwe line and the High Speed Line, and not on local public transport. New town locations, such as Leidsche Rijn, are in danger of becoming a fiasco, because there are no good train connections. A tough line will be taken on vandalism and crime on public transport. Generally speaking, it is clear that the failure of the large cities policy and increased crime are the primary reasons why businesses and the middle classes are abandoning the cities. This is increasing the pressure on the countryside. Removing these causes will benefit the environment much more than all the well-intended plans and environmental legislation.
Culture
The cultural education and development of Dutch citizens is of great importance, as is the maintenance of existing culture in all its forms. The LPF is of the opinion, however, that subsidising cultural development should take place only with the greatest of restraint. This will have to be based on the profit principle, with the primary focus on sponsorship.
Defence
As a prosperous modern nation, the Netherlands should shoulder its responsibilities in a suitable manner in the area of international security. Maintaining our army is important in this respect, bearing in mind the role that a small country can reasonably play as a NATO partner. The level of ambition will be reduced from four peacekeeping operations to three. The LPF supports the international fight against terrorism, but wants to focus greater attention on dialogue alongside the use of military means. The LPF wants to reduce the top-heavy bureaucracy, to ensure that our armed forces remain modern, efficient and effective. This would involve breaking the top-level structure in The Hague, consisting of four complete headquarters (ministry, navy, army and air force) which spend a great deal of time monitoring one another. The highly effective Military Police will not be affected by this. The top-level structure in The Hague will be replaced with an umbrella Admiralty, which will act as a Board of Governors for the armed forces, with divisional directors for sea, land and air forces. The LPF opts for the Admiralty as management model due to the excellent reputation of the navy. But as far as we are concerned, the Board of Commanding Officers can choose a different name. The goal is to arrive at maximum cooperation. The Defence Chief of Staff will have an important, steering role in this. The LPF shall maintain the operational effectiveness of the navy, army and air force and their valuable traditions. The integration of the sections of the armed forces will be implemented primarily in the operational approach, logistics and in training.
Agriculture
No other sector in the Netherlands is being dismantled by the government as effectively as agricultural businesses. This must change. Farmers and market gardeners must be given the opportunity to produce in a healthy market. With a government that treats them differently, and with far less legislation. It will be the government's job to offer the agriculture sector economic prospects again. Only with a healthy sector can there be a basis for Dutch agriculture. After all, only healthy businesses can invest and continue to lead the field. One of the conditions for a healthy sector is that the Netherlands should not set higher requirements than Europe, and that the government implements clear and reliable policies.
The Netherlands must stop anticipating EU agreements. Allow the harmonisation to happen at the speed indicated by Brussels. All the agriculture sectors within the EU must be able to produce under comparable circumstances, taking climate differences into account, of course. But there should be no supplementary requirements at a national level which increase prices and have a negative effect on competitiveness. The government must also spend the next four years removing bottlenecks in legislation, in consultation with the agricultural sector, in the areas of food safety, animal welfare and the environment, and creating a clear and workable framework within which Dutch agriculture can have an honest opportunity to prove itself.
The necessary restructuring must not end up as a cold-blooded purge. By getting the banks involved on the basis of their own interests, and if necessary getting the ministry to issue credit guarantees, the sector can be reorganised in a more humane way. Farming talent and farming entrepreneurship must not be lost. Farmers will receive a government subsidy for nature and landscape management. Foot and mouth crises will be resolved in an animal-friendly manner, by arguing at the international level for inoculation.
Domestic government
Experiments with modernising domestic government (including dual government) must be continued with vigour. Citizens who have a say in how their lives are run - and who must also be held accountable for their responsibilities - must be involved more directly in government. Once again, the point of departure is taking maximum responsibility. Responsibilities must be placed as low as possible in the administrative structure. Ossified structures and cultures, as well as accepted problems, must be cleared out of the way and no longer deemed self-evident (limits of the polder model, international agreements, established interests, etc.), but will be solved with flair and creativity, as a result of the political system taking its responsibilities. Increases in scale must be resisted and where possible reversed, in order to create a workable, transparent and effective public administration which is close to its citizens. The mayors and prime minister must be elected. The monarchy is not a subject of debate, the head of state retains a ceremonial and uniting role.
Europe
The European Union is a phenomenal experiment, which has contributed a great deal to peace in our part of the world, which for many centuries was dominated by wars. The EU has contributed a great deal to the prosperity of its member states. Support for the EU among the population could be further increased by reducing the bureaucracy of Brussels. The operation of the European parliament will be critically analysed, the control function could also be exercised by a senate composed of delegates from the national parliaments. The LPF is in favour of the EU, but with retention of our country's own identity and, wherever possible, of its own sovereignty. The principle of subsidiarity shall be the guiding factor. New member states will only be permitted to join after the Dutch people have been given their say in a politically binding referendum in the matter. This will ensure that the politicians are forced to examine carefully the benefits and disadvantages of expansion of the EU.
The above positions of the Lijst Pim Fortuyn are based on our manifesto The mess left after eight years of the Purple Coalition, which was published on 15 March.
Other earlier publications of Prof. Dr. W.S.P. Fortuyn were also consulted. This summary was put together for the foreign media which does not have access to the book.
Edited by:
Information Department
Lijst Pim Fortuyn
Businesslike but with a heart
At the start of 2002, the politico-social landscape in the Netherlands is dominated by a socio-economic decline, partly as a result of the worldwide economic downturn following the terrorist acts of 11 September 2001, but partly also due to rising collective financial burdens and inflation. The international safety situation is unstable.
Europe is a bureaucracy which barely interests its citizens, let alone inspires them. After almost eight years of the Purple Coalition, prosperity in the Netherlands has increased, partly thanks to improved economic circumstances, but this is overshadowed by increasing crime levels and huge shortfalls in education and healthcare. The Purple Coalition's policy of toleration has encouraged a divide in the country, as a result of which large groups of ethnic minorities do not participate actively in society. The Netherlands is not an immigration country. The annual stream of tens of thousands of newcomers, who largely end up as illegal aliens, must stop. Only then can the integration and emancipation of minorities succeed. The LPF wants to work hard to achieve this, but it demands the full efforts of the minorities, because it is worth the effort to be a Dutch citizen.
Among other things, the Purple Coalition has saddled the Netherlands with:
- a complacent political culture which is totally set in its ways, with appointed dictators completely lacking in creativity or an ability to learn.
· - a highly disappointing healthcare system, with its waiting lists resulting in unnecessary deaths;
· - an education system which is lagging behind, with classes full of pupils being sent home;
· - high inflation, at the expense of the financially less well-off and of our export position;
· - high crime levels, as a result of which citizens do not feel safe, either on the street or at home;
· - one million people claiming disability benefit, an irresponsible number for future generations;
· - inadequate protection of citizen's interests as a result of the policy of toleration;
· - large-scale problems in the area of mobility;
· - immigration levels getting out of hand in an overpopulated country;
· - a serious divide in the population, part of which is suffering social and cultural deprivation, particularly in the large cities;
· - the failure of the 'polder model', with insufficient protection of the purchasing power of the citizen and insufficient guarantees of the level of democracy in society.
Lijst Pim Fortuyn (LPF) wants to tackle these problems by means of a new and careful policy. Careful not only because this is the only way to serve the interests of all Dutch citizens, irrespective of race, beliefs or nature. Careful because we will at all times work to achieve small-scale solutions at the human level. Our positions are businesslike, but with a heart.
Health
Healthcare in this country is in a crisis, resulting from an inappropriate structure and over-regulation on the part of central government, making it impossible to offer many people the care that they should be able to count on in a civilised western country. The waiting lists for life-threatening illnesses, in particular, are unacceptable.
The healthcare sector is burdened with a huge bureaucracy, which has resulted in an imbalance between the money invested and the quality offered. The current government will not be able to solve the problems in the healthcare sector, nor does it have any idea how to tackle the problem of the increasingly ageing population in the future. The LPF wants to hold the healthcare sector accountable on a regular basis, by setting clear criteria on the quality and quantity of care, thereby ensuring that what is offered is what the citizen is entitled to. It will be up to the sector itself to organise this, initially on the basis of the current budget, with the exception of care for the elderly, for which additional funds must be made available for increasing staffing levels. It is clear that this improvement in quality will only be successful through the deployment of greater numbers of carers, fewer managers and less small-scale thinking. Medical entrepreneurship must be encouraged. Private care institutions will be given the same rights as regular hospitals. The government will monitor the quality and accessibility of care.
In addition, a great deal of work is needed in the area of prevention, by promoting a healthy lifestyle and healthy living environment. In order to reduce the waiting lists, the current budgeting system must be scrapped, to allow medical specialists to carry out additional operations. This can start as of 2005, because the current framework agreements run out in 2004. Specialists will then be paid for performance on the basis of an hourly fee. The LPF would like to strengthen first-line care by attracting nurse practitioners who can take some of the workload off the shoulders of the general practitioners. Those returning to work after raising a family and part-timers must be given help in setting up general practitioner (GP) posts in areas in which there is a danger of a shortage of provision. Establishing GP posts at hospitals would greatly reduce the number of visitors to Accident and Emergency units. Smaller, regional hospitals in residential centres must be maintained; the quality can be ensured by working together with training hospitals and using ICT solutions. More hands at the bedside, by promoting educational courses, reducing sickness absenteeism, providing the funds to train operating theatre assistants in hospitals and the introduction of a social work placement for secondary school pupils.
Education
Teaching staff to be paid a market salary, and the education system to be restructured, partly on the basis of the wishes of the labour market. The central theme of the LPF is that youngsters should be educated to become modern, caring, assertive citizens. Deregulation will make the education system feasible again. The administrative burdens and bureaucracy must be reduced drastically. An end to red tape choking the system and educational experiments, and greater freedom of choice for teachers. They are the real experts. Guaranteeing freedom of education, but resisting unsocial influences in education. Our preference is for smaller schools, each child must be within cycling distance of a primary school.
Social affairs
Participation in the labour process is seen in our western culture as a great good, and in the view of the LPF should be given maximum encouragement. The steady flow of new disability benefit claimants should therefore be brought to a halt. The LPF wants to achieve this by making disability benefit accessible only to those whose occupational disability has occurred in or as a result of work situations. This would involve clear and controllable medical criteria being drawn up by doctors. The Gatekeeper Improvement Act has been in effect since 1 April 2002, and imposes obligations on the employer regarding ill and occupationally disabled employees. Partly to prevent companies only taking on perfectly healthy employees, it will be necessary to limit disability benefit to work-related illnesses. In the case of all other causes of occupational disability, employees should take out private insurance - as the self-employed already do - to avoid ending up on social security benefit. The premium for this can be paid on the basis of personal wishes from the improved purchasing power resulting from a reduction in the disability benefit contribution. Those not covered by the current occupational disability arrangements, such as students, freelancers and homemakers, can then benefit from improved private insurance options.
A great deal of attention must be paid to prevention and returning to work. The 'polder model' must be critically analysed. Social services and councillors must apply the law and must not tolerate any evasion.
Public order and safety
The justice system is another area that is ripe for reorganisation on every front and at every level. Fewer than a quarter of all the 45,000 police officials is actually involved in implementation. We need more police on the street and fewer behind desks. Every policy of toleration regarding a lack of safety in the public space must be scrapped. This requires that priorities are set. Violent crime, in particular, must be tackled vigorously. It is incomprehensible that the Ministry of Justice prosecutes citizens who exercise their right to defend themselves, but sets the real criminals free due to a lack of time. It is incomprehensible that the Ministry of Justice arrests an honest Turkish tailor and hard-working Polish asparagus planters, but does not set foot in criminal neighbourhoods. Mayors and local councils should be given direct control of the police. The chief constables must be held accountable on the basis of results, and if they do not cooperate they should, if necessary, be replaced by promoting middle management. There will be a serious clampdown on contempt for the police. The heavy load on detectives caused by criminals who go straight back onto the streets and commit more crime must be brought to an end immediately by expanding the cell capacity, along with the necessary staff. Why is it, in the Netherlands, that we can allow four elderly people to a room in a nursing home, but not four criminals to a cell, at least on a temporary basis?
The excessive level of criminality is one of the principal causes of the increasing number of crimes. The Military Police would therefore be given the same powers as the police in terms of arresting and locking up criminals. Maximum use will be made of the existing contacts between the military police and foreign police forces. The training capacity of the Military Police will be kept at maximum strength during the next cabinet period. The customs service, which has been greatly reduced by successive rounds of cuts, will be strengthened again, because the customs service is authorised to monitor for drugs and weapons smuggling throughout the country. Mixed detective teams of police, Military Police and customs officers will ensure that the Netherlands does not become a safe haven for international criminals. The Mobile Border Control is currently staffed by 700 military police officers. By adding police and customs officers, the capacity of these flying squads could be doubled in a year.
Finances
The current 'Zalm Standard' must be maintained in its present form. Inflation, with its particularly crippling effect on the weakest members of society, must be tackled forcefully. Any taxes which contribute to inflation or increase costs, such as an excessively high VAT, stamp duty, ECO tax and taxes imposed by lower levels of government, must be removed from the tax system Policy measures are analysed by the ministries and the political parties in terms of their effect on income. But the effect on income is not the same as the effect on purchasing power, and that's what actually counts. What does it matter that the income of the average man is increased by 2% by a certain measure? This income could be that earned by a shrewd student working on the side, a widow eating up her capital or a divorced mother with three children in primary school. The student throws a party, the widow doesn't hear about the tax benefit and the divorced mother can finally take the children for a week's holiday. There is no such thing as the 'average man'. When calculating the effect of policy measures, the LPF will take account of the wealth and financial capacity of households. The analytical office of the LPF will be responsible for this. There is a natural resistance to paying tax. If the benefit is clear, then resistance is low. One example of this is road tax. This should not spiral out of control, however, as would be the case with pouring 260 million guiders into tollgates. Some taxes cannot be justified, like stamp duty, capital gains tax and certain local levies. If it cannot be explained why the tax is charged, and it is not clear what is done with the tax collected, or the tax charged is not in line with that in other European countries, then consideration must be given to scrapping the tax in question.
This applies particularly if the budgetary interests are low and relatively excessive perception costs are being incurred (collection, compliance and tax procedures). The LPF is demanding accountability for tax policy at all levels. Any ministry or local authority requesting the use of tax money in the context of the environment, labour mobility, employment, home ownership, European competitiveness, etc., will be wasting its time with the LPF if it has not carried out a thorough analysis of the effects, made itself accountable to the public and drawn up as watertight a system as possible to prevent fraud.
When drawing up and implementing tax policies, the legislative government is confronted with the field of tension between economic justice and legal effectiveness. The LPF puts social acceptance of tax and the intended purpose at the centre of new and existing tax law. The LPF bases its approach to spreading the tax and contribution load on the solidarity principle. The strongest shoulders will bear the heaviest loads, but in a socially acceptable manner. This will result in fiscal stimulation of the entrepreneurial climate, in wealthy individuals being taxed on the yield they have actually achieved (including losses), in support for home owners, in removal of the tax burden on victims of the poverty trap, and if necessary in pensioners being helped with specific tax benefits for the elderly.
'Kok's quarter' must be returned to the car driver. As long as public transport does not offer a good alternative to the car, it is not fair to bother the business driver in a bureaucratic manner with a variety of tax schemes.
The economy
The salary and price spiral will have to be broken, by extreme caution and with realistic pay increases. The purchasing power of Dutch citizens will have to be protected, by lowering social security contributions and, where possible, taxes. The government will have to boost the growth in labour productivity, by giving strong support to Information and Communication Technology (ICT), which in turn promotes efficiency. Wherever a combination of care responsibilities and labour jeopardise this labour productivity growth, the government will have to offer creative solutions.
Due to the unprecedented opportunities for ICT in our service-based economy, the government should support this sector as much as possible. One way to do this would be with the funds acquired from the UMTS auctions. Monopolies in the service sector will preferably not be privatised. Income-dependent subsidies which hinder entry into the labour market (the poverty trap) must be scrapped and replaced with other schemes. Policy on capital acquisition, such as that relating to the sale of rented homes, salary savings schemes and mortgage tax relief, will be continued.
Emancipation and integration
Large groups in the community are lagging behind in social and cultural terms. These groups often originate from countries which did not participate in the Judeo-Christian-humanist developments which have been taking place in Europe for centuries. These shortfalls in development are highly regrettable, as they result in a divide in society and form a threat to the functioning of our large cities. This must be tackled vigorously, on the one hand by paying extra attention to housing, schools and cultural education for these groups, but on the other by requiring these groups to make a maximum effort themselves. Cultural developments which are diametrically opposed to the desired integration and emancipation, such as arranged marriages, honour revenge and female circumcision, must be fought by means of legislation and public information. Discrimination against women in fundamentalist Islamic circles is particularly unacceptable. In a democratic society like ours, all citizens have the same rights and obligations, irrespective of race, gender, beliefs and nature. There is a division of Church and State in the Netherlands, and therefore also of mosque and state. Thanks to the division of powers (the executive, legislative and judiciary powers), citizens can develop themselves in relative freedom. Our hard-fought freedoms are worth protecting against increasing fundamentalism. We must carry out a study into whether the introduction of a social and military service for boys and girls of eighteen years of age or older can contribute to integration.
Immigration
The LPF plainly states that the Netherlands is not an immigration country. The Netherlands has one of the densest populations in the world. This is manifested in increasing problems and tensions in the area of public housing, spatial planning, employment, safety, health care, mobility, nature preservation, fragmentation of open space, care for the environment and recreation. The large-scale immigration in recent decades of often poorly educated people with no income, looking for economic improvement goes completely against all the above. In order to get Dutch society into shape, it is absolutely essential that maximum resistance is given to immigration. The funds which would be saved from providing accommodation for these immigrants/asylum-seekers can then be spent on improving the position of all legal residents of the Netherlands. People who have been displaced by socio-political situations somewhere in the world should preferably be looked after in the region from which they originate. We don't blame anyone for coming here to find refuge, but we do blame the Purple Coalition government for maintaining the illusion abroad that there is room for everyone in the Netherlands. This has resulted in emasculation of its own strict Aliens Act. Last year, 33,000 asylum seekers entered the Netherlands, less than ten per cent of which will be admitted. Most of them therefore end up as illegal immigrants. This means that 30,000 people have travelled in vain and have been given false hope. Now that's antisocial. What is needed is clarity; Dutch embassies and local media must be used to communicate the new, tighter policy. Refugees must be looked after in their own region. It is our obligation to make a generous financial contribution to achieving this. Cuts will not be imposed unconditionally on the Ministry of Development Cooperation, but expenditure will be assessed critically in terms of its effectiveness.
Mobility and spatial planning
Accessibility has become a major bottleneck. Mobility is the result of socio-economic activities (work, shopping) and socio-cultural activities (recreation, family visits) and behaviour. The solutions will therefore have to be found within these activities and behaviour, and not simply by installing infrastructure (roads, railways, canals) for which there is insufficient space and money in our country. Applications from 'ICT pavilions' and other creative ideas will have to provide the solutions, under the motto 'Utilisation alongside construction'. Flexible working hours could be used to reduce rush-hour traffic. The construction of the economically unfeasible Betuwe line will have to be stopped as quickly as possible; the funds released by this could be used to tackle the mobility problem. Bottlenecks will have to be tackled by building extra road lanes. The Purple Coalition has set the wrong priorities: billions are being spent on prestige projects such as the Betuwe line and the High Speed Line, and not on local public transport. New town locations, such as Leidsche Rijn, are in danger of becoming a fiasco, because there are no good train connections. A tough line will be taken on vandalism and crime on public transport. Generally speaking, it is clear that the failure of the large cities policy and increased crime are the primary reasons why businesses and the middle classes are abandoning the cities. This is increasing the pressure on the countryside. Removing these causes will benefit the environment much more than all the well-intended plans and environmental legislation.
Culture
The cultural education and development of Dutch citizens is of great importance, as is the maintenance of existing culture in all its forms. The LPF is of the opinion, however, that subsidising cultural development should take place only with the greatest of restraint. This will have to be based on the profit principle, with the primary focus on sponsorship.
Defence
As a prosperous modern nation, the Netherlands should shoulder its responsibilities in a suitable manner in the area of international security. Maintaining our army is important in this respect, bearing in mind the role that a small country can reasonably play as a NATO partner. The level of ambition will be reduced from four peacekeeping operations to three. The LPF supports the international fight against terrorism, but wants to focus greater attention on dialogue alongside the use of military means. The LPF wants to reduce the top-heavy bureaucracy, to ensure that our armed forces remain modern, efficient and effective. This would involve breaking the top-level structure in The Hague, consisting of four complete headquarters (ministry, navy, army and air force) which spend a great deal of time monitoring one another. The highly effective Military Police will not be affected by this. The top-level structure in The Hague will be replaced with an umbrella Admiralty, which will act as a Board of Governors for the armed forces, with divisional directors for sea, land and air forces. The LPF opts for the Admiralty as management model due to the excellent reputation of the navy. But as far as we are concerned, the Board of Commanding Officers can choose a different name. The goal is to arrive at maximum cooperation. The Defence Chief of Staff will have an important, steering role in this. The LPF shall maintain the operational effectiveness of the navy, army and air force and their valuable traditions. The integration of the sections of the armed forces will be implemented primarily in the operational approach, logistics and in training.
Agriculture
No other sector in the Netherlands is being dismantled by the government as effectively as agricultural businesses. This must change. Farmers and market gardeners must be given the opportunity to produce in a healthy market. With a government that treats them differently, and with far less legislation. It will be the government's job to offer the agriculture sector economic prospects again. Only with a healthy sector can there be a basis for Dutch agriculture. After all, only healthy businesses can invest and continue to lead the field. One of the conditions for a healthy sector is that the Netherlands should not set higher requirements than Europe, and that the government implements clear and reliable policies.
The Netherlands must stop anticipating EU agreements. Allow the harmonisation to happen at the speed indicated by Brussels. All the agriculture sectors within the EU must be able to produce under comparable circumstances, taking climate differences into account, of course. But there should be no supplementary requirements at a national level which increase prices and have a negative effect on competitiveness. The government must also spend the next four years removing bottlenecks in legislation, in consultation with the agricultural sector, in the areas of food safety, animal welfare and the environment, and creating a clear and workable framework within which Dutch agriculture can have an honest opportunity to prove itself.
The necessary restructuring must not end up as a cold-blooded purge. By getting the banks involved on the basis of their own interests, and if necessary getting the ministry to issue credit guarantees, the sector can be reorganised in a more humane way. Farming talent and farming entrepreneurship must not be lost. Farmers will receive a government subsidy for nature and landscape management. Foot and mouth crises will be resolved in an animal-friendly manner, by arguing at the international level for inoculation.
Domestic government
Experiments with modernising domestic government (including dual government) must be continued with vigour. Citizens who have a say in how their lives are run - and who must also be held accountable for their responsibilities - must be involved more directly in government. Once again, the point of departure is taking maximum responsibility. Responsibilities must be placed as low as possible in the administrative structure. Ossified structures and cultures, as well as accepted problems, must be cleared out of the way and no longer deemed self-evident (limits of the polder model, international agreements, established interests, etc.), but will be solved with flair and creativity, as a result of the political system taking its responsibilities. Increases in scale must be resisted and where possible reversed, in order to create a workable, transparent and effective public administration which is close to its citizens. The mayors and prime minister must be elected. The monarchy is not a subject of debate, the head of state retains a ceremonial and uniting role.
Europe
The European Union is a phenomenal experiment, which has contributed a great deal to peace in our part of the world, which for many centuries was dominated by wars. The EU has contributed a great deal to the prosperity of its member states. Support for the EU among the population could be further increased by reducing the bureaucracy of Brussels. The operation of the European parliament will be critically analysed, the control function could also be exercised by a senate composed of delegates from the national parliaments. The LPF is in favour of the EU, but with retention of our country's own identity and, wherever possible, of its own sovereignty. The principle of subsidiarity shall be the guiding factor. New member states will only be permitted to join after the Dutch people have been given their say in a politically binding referendum in the matter. This will ensure that the politicians are forced to examine carefully the benefits and disadvantages of expansion of the EU.
The above positions of the Lijst Pim Fortuyn are based on our manifesto The mess left after eight years of the Purple Coalition, which was published on 15 March.
Other earlier publications of Prof. Dr. W.S.P. Fortuyn were also consulted. This summary was put together for the foreign media which does not have access to the book.
Edited by:
Information Department
Lijst Pim Fortuyn
a facist gets whacked??
that' not just dank.........
it's DIGGITY DANK!!!!
that' not just dank.........
it's DIGGITY DANK!!!!
To the first commenter, I dont really think any anarchist could possibly be in favor of governments which enforce explicitly racist laws or try to have zero tolerance at borders. Whether or not you have some condescending viewpoint on Islam is really not the issue.
Of course I agree with you, race and borders are best forgotten. Fortuyn's policies are ones I oppose, but that's not what I was addressing.
What I meant to convey was surprise that the author of the article used Fortuyn's quote "Islam is a backward religion" to discredit him, when historically the far left has viewed all religions as backward. Islam in particular, for its adopted culture of sexism and judiciary punishment.
What I meant to convey was surprise that the author of the article used Fortuyn's quote "Islam is a backward religion" to discredit him, when historically the far left has viewed all religions as backward. Islam in particular, for its adopted culture of sexism and judiciary punishment.
Of course I agree with you, race and borders are best forgotten. Fortuyn's policies are ones I oppose, but that's not what I was addressing.
What I meant to convey was surprise that the author of the article used Fortuyn's quote "Islam is a backward religion" to discredit him, when historically the far left has viewed all religions as backward. Islam in particular, for its adopted culture of sexism and judiciary punishment.
What I meant to convey was surprise that the author of the article used Fortuyn's quote "Islam is a backward religion" to discredit him, when historically the far left has viewed all religions as backward. Islam in particular, for its adopted culture of sexism and judiciary punishment.
Clearly Fortuyn himself is a "foreigner"-if his reactionary ideas are any indication-from the U.S.!
Speaking to journalists last month, Fortuyn explained that, "in a real democracy, you can size each other up and tell each other exactly what you're thinking. My only demand is that you not be able to incite violence."
I find it strange that fascist groups are supporting an openly gay right winger... I guess it's true that the right wing only incites hatred against minority groups for it's benefit, and that they could careless really about them, except as political tools.
Look, just because Rory Miller's dentist dad still changes his diapers does not mean he is a completely naive spoiled jerk
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